Zionism, Settlements, the Jewish State, and the Barrier: Security Fence or Apartheid Wall? (Part 1

Egypt’s failure to broker an effective reconciliation between Hamas and Fatah makes it a strong probability that the January elections will be considered illegitimate by the Palestinian people – that is, if they happen at all. Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas) recently declared that the elections will be postponed pending more suitable national conditions. This, of course, renders the possibility of a virtual three state arrangement a viable reality for Israelis and Palestinians in the near future.


For a number of reasons, the speeches delivered this summer by Obama, Netanyahu, and Fayyad promised to bear fruit. Instead, they withered on the vine.


Fayyad’s recently declared two-year deadline for building a successful Palestinian state elicited questions regarding Abu Mazen’s legitimacy. Indeed, Mazen’s recent decision not to push the Goldstone report (consistent with the Obama administration’s wishes) coupled with his possible abdication from leadership in the West Bank, has created serious doubts over the future of Palestine.

While Israel made a few minor moves to improve conditions in the West Bank, they have not lead to a fundamental change in the basic barriers that continue to block progress. These efforts include Israel's commitment to halt incursions into four major West Bank cities this summer, enabling the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to gain better control over the security situation in the West Bank, and Israel's recent Supreme Court decision prohibiting the Jewish-only status of at least one major artery in the West Bank. Nevertheless, Israel’s continued consolidation of ‘facts on the ground’ vitiates against a mutually accepted Palestinian state and thus, the resumption of the peace process.

PNA authorities continue to call for a check to settlements as a precondition for peace talks, while Netanyahu’s government is fixed on “economic peace” as a precursor to political peace and final status negotiations. Lately, settlements and “natural growth” figure prominently in the international news media’s coverage of the conflict, but many argue that the settlement issue has become a popular red herring that diverts attention away from the peace process itself since land-for-peace agreements are reiterated throughout numerous previous near-agreements and accords.

The EU’s statement this summer issued by outgoing High Representative Solana - that the UN would unilaterally recognize a Palestinian state if the peace process does not resume - may or may not have teeth or represent popular European sentiment. Lieberman, among others, responded that ‘peace must be built, not imposed.’ Shaul Mofaz, a former Likud defense minister, suggested the establishment of a Palestinian state on 60% of the West Bank. But Netanyahu's government is perhaps the most rightwing in Israel's history and it seems to prefer managing the conflict over resolving it.

Meanwhile, the international community’s pro-Palestinian and pro-Israel factions and loyalties are increasingly characterized by mutual animus and contempt rather than mutual respect and dignity. The polarization between the Diasporas is also widening as a growing chorus of still marginal movements call for the boycott, divestment, and sanction of Israel. ‘Israeli Apartheid Weeks’ are encroaching on many university campuses, The result is that acts of dialogue in the Diasporas, let alone a détente between Israelis and Palestinians, remains as rare and remote as ever.

I witnessed first hand many of the competing narratives and competing ‘truths’ of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict this summer while interning with the Multilateral Sector of the Palestinian Authority’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Among the most salient points of discussion on both sides of the Barrier (also the “security fence” and “apartheid wall”) are East Jerusalem, the right of return, settlement expansion, the continued Israeli military presence in the West Bank and their legitimate ever-present security concerns - not to mention the relationship between the Jewish state and Eretz Israel, and how they reflect Israeli democracy.

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The crisis of Jewish democracy

The masks are off, and the reality of the Israel-Palestine conflict is becoming apparent for all to see.

This is not, in fact, a conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, Jews and Arabs. It is a conflict between those who want peace and those who value other things well above it.

Everyone wants peace, of course. From the left to the right, the devout to the secular, the nationalist to the humanist, they all want peace. The question is what they are willing to do and to give up for peace. There, we have a great deal of variety.

On the Palestinian side, the leadership of the PA has shown a lot of timidity when it comes to having national conversations about difficult issues like Jerusalem, borders and especially the return of refugees to Israel. This last is the most crucial, as official Palestinian policy continues to champion the Right of Return while their leaders tell their interlocutors that they will give this up in practice.

The recent naming of a square in Ramallah after Dalal Mughrabi is another example. Next to the daily violence of the occupation, it is merely an insult. But Israelis saw it as another declaration of Palestinian refusal to live in peace, and a glorification of violence against Israelis. Mughrabi led an attempted attack on the Israeli Defense Ministry that fell way short of its goal, but resulted in the deaths of 37 Israeli civilians and one American, as well as herself and some ten of her followers.

Hamas, of course, is interested in nothing but continuing the struggle and holding on to its increasingly unpopular position of power in Gaza.

But the myth, for many, is that Israel and her supporters in the global Jewish community are prepared to make great sacrifices and do what needs to be done for peace, if the Palestinians would only cooperate. However, recent events show the disdain for a two-state solution in anything but principle and the fear of peace that has taken hold in the leadership of both the Israeli government and much of the increasingly unrepresentative Jewish so-called "mainstream."

Repeated polls show that a majority of American Jews support a Palestinian state and a two-state solution. A recent Dahaf does a better job of describing the dichotomy between most Israelis and their leaders.

The Dahaf poll asks about a two-state solution that includes Palestinian return only to Palestine, a shared Jerusalem, where what is Jewish is Israeli and what is Arab is Palestinian, land swaps to allow Israel to annex the large settlement blocs. It also proposes that the Old City be jointly administered by Israel, Palestine and the US, with the holy sites being under the same controls they are now.

63% of Israeli Jews supported this, and 82% supported with "some improvements." Of the 97 (out of 120) Knesset members polled, 54% opposed this, and 51% opposed even with some improvements.

This official sentiment is reflected in the rhetoric that accuses Barack Obama of "appeasement" of the Arabs and siding against Israel. It is also reflected in the Israeli government's hysterocial reaction to Obama's insistence that Israel not change the situation on the ground in Jerusalem, an attempt to stop Israel from mooting precisely the solution that is described in the poll.

The constant declarations from Netanyahu, and the more militant ones from other members of his government, reflect a belief that Jerusalem can be taken off the table, and a feeling that there is nothing here to discuss-that Israel will keep Jerusalem no matter what.

That is a view that is clearly opposed to peace. Likud MKs Ayoob Kara and Tzipi Hotovely both made explicit statements that Israel will never leave Hebron, which clearly means that there can be no substantive Israeli exit from the West Bank.

And this is hardly confined to Israel. AIPAC and other lobbying groups are making the argument that Obama is asking Israel for concessions while asking nothing of the Palestinians. This turns reality upside down. The PA has been working effectively with Jordan and the US to train its security forces, and even Israel has repeatedly praised the results. Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad has put together a state-building plan that has won universal acclaim and support. The record is not perfect, but it is absolutely unprecedented for a people living under military occupation to take security steps like the ones the PA has in aid of the occupier.

Abe Foxman has gone after General David Petraeus, stopping just short of calling him a Jew-hater. Other activists have made it clear that Israel should be fighting against Obama's demands.

Let's be clear about what's being said here. These so-called "pro-Israel" voices are calling for Israel to stand fast against a two-state solution. Their call is nothing less than a call to turn Israel into what its harshest critics say it already is: an apartheid state.

This is not actually a grim warning I'm issuing here. It's a celebration. This has been the battle that has been going on for years. Unfortunately, the weakness of pro-peace, and genuinely pro-Israel voices, coupled with the louder cries of more radical groups that see Israel as the sole cause of the Arab-Israeli conflict, has allowed these fascist Jews to portray themselves as pursuers of peace.

Those days are over. Now that J Street has shown real political muscle and the Obama administration has taken a clear stance in support of Israeli security and peace, the charade is over. Now, Foxman, AIPAC, Christians United For Israel, and other groups that oppose the two-state solution cannot continue to claim that they want peace when what they want is absolute Israeli control of the West Bank.

I'll close where I started, with the Palestinians. There is still much work for them to do. Fayyad's plan must reach fruition, and the 1.5 million Palestinians living in Gaza must be brought back into the fold so there is a single Palestinian entity. They need also to stop making Obama's task more difficult with poorly-timed and ill-conceived statements, such as naming squares in Ramallah after dead guerrillas with lots of civilian blood on their hands. Abbas must stop raising his own demands as long as Obama is staking out positions that are favorable for negotiations.

Right now, the party that wants peace the most is the United States. There's nothing wrong with that, despite the old canard against that notion. Even Congress is realizing that something has to change. A rather innocuous letter written by AIPAC supporting Israel and asking that disputes be handled out of the public eye garnered 327 signatures in the House of Representatives. That means more than 100 members didn't sign it, a figure that is much higher than would have been the case in the past.

http://palestinenote.com/cs/blogs/blogs/archive/2010/04/02/the-crisis-of-jewish-democracy.aspx



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Diabetic dies after long wait at checkpoint

Tubas – Ma'an – A diabetic Palestinian died on Saturday after being prevented from crossing the Al-Hamra military checkpoint into the Jordan Valley on Saturday.

Mohammad Damen Abed Al-Karim E'lieyat, 62, from the village of Dir Abu Da'eef in Jenin was en route to the Jordan Valley but was barred from transit. Ma'an's correspondent said E'lieyat made several attempts to cross but was turned back by Israeli authorities who said that he was unable to pass because he held French citizenship.

E'lieyat, who suffered from diabetes and high blood pressure, was eventually allowed to pass after several hours, but suffered a heart attack in a taxi.

Naser Al-A'nani from the Jericho Governmental Hospital said E'lieyat was pronounced dead upon arrival after suffering a "severe" heart attack.

An Israeli military spokesman said a complaint was lodged with the Jericho DCO following E'lieyat's death and is currently being looked into.

http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=273794




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Contrasting with the general pessimism, the 77 year old Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, continues to believe in the harmonious cohabitation with Islam.

Michel Sabbah: "Hamas is protecting us"

What is the situation for Christians in Palestine?

It is the same as for all Arabs in Palestine. Christians or Muslims, we are the same people, with the same culture and the same history. A nation that is in conflict with another nation. A nation that is living under military occupation has no need of compassion but of justice. In a very tense political context we are trying to cope with the same challenge. What does it mean to be a Christian? It is to be in a society, in a world that we have not chosen but has been given to us. Our vocation therefore is to be Christian in an Arab society which has a Muslim majority. This is a familiar experience to us, we have several centuries of history behind us.

However, today one speaks of anti-Christian persecution….Individual incidents between Muslims and Christians can take on a community dimension. In these cases there are mediators, families known for their wisdom and their authority, capable of resolving conflicts. I can bear witness to the fact that in Palestine, it never goes further than this. There have never been massacres or terrorist attacks against churches, never have I known an openly antichristian persecution. Even in Gaza, Christians are protected by Hamas, so often presented as a terrorist organization.

Is it the same situation in Iraq?

No, over there Christians are victims of violence and are killed because they are Christians. But it is a question of political not religious movements. Extremists hope to destabilize the country. Many Sunnis and Shiites have been killed for the same reasons. It does not help to accuse Muslims of all the evils. Working for peace and for justice in Iraq as elsewhere is the best way to avoid a mass exodus of Christians from the East. A political problem needs to find a political solution.

What do you say to those who defend the idea of a clash of civilizations?

There is a clash but it is not religious or cultural. It is political. The West treats the East and those who live there, whether they are Christians or Muslims, as lesser beings. As long as there is this relationship between the dominant and the dominated, we will never escape the spiral of violence. The roots of global terrorism are rooted here. The East is not free to choose its destiny; it is subjected to Western dominance. The problem is not Islam, but the confrontation between East and West. The history of colonialisation has given way to another kind of colonialisation, more latent, but no less real.

Are you not afraid of the expansion of Islam?

It is a fantasy fed by those who do not understand the East, in general, and Islam in particular. As long as the Palestinians feel oppressed, all Muslims globally will feel solidarity with them and are capable of creating disruption from within the societies in which they live. We need to put an end to the relationship of strength against weakness between the West and the Muslim world and instead focus on affirmative education in citizenship and respect for one's neighbour. We need to develop a culture of engaged coexistence, learn to know one another and live and act together in unity.

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Warm U.S.-Israel relations cool

Some 40 centuries of history are recalled when Jews celebrate Passover in their calendar and what this history of exile, persecution and the flight to freedom from Egypt to Canaan (Palestine) means for each passing generation of Jews.

Passover this year coincided with an ominous chill in relationship between the Obama administration and Israel.

There have been, in the past, difficult moments between American presidents and Israeli leaders when the two countries’ interests appeared at odds. President Eisenhower, for instance, leaned heavily on Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion after the 1956 Suez War to withdraw Israeli forces from Sinai.

It was, however, President Truman — when he supported the partition of Palestine and, soon after Ben-Gurion announced Israel’s independence in May 1948, extended diplomatic recognition to the new country over his State Department’s objection — who set the tone and substance of what is meant by America’s embrace of the Jewish state.

When the survival of Israel, surrounded by Arab enemies, hung in precarious balance and there was no glimmer of how this little patch of earth squeezed between the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea could be of strategic importance to the United States, what mattered to Truman was the moral imperative in affirming the right of Jews to have sovereignty over a part of Palestine that was their ancestral home.

Moral imperative

It is this moral imperative that has guided every president since Truman up to George W. Bush — Jimmy Carter was the exception — to keep America’s embrace of Israel generous in private and firm in public.

This embrace was also meant for Israel’s foes to note America’s weight will favour the Jewish state in holding the balance between Jews and Arabs.

Carter equivocated between Arabs and Jews as he still does, and he gave heart to the legions of Israel’s mortal enemies.

Now sits in the White House another president who has taken Carter’s equivocation to new lengths, and views Israel as a liability for America in accommodating the Arab-Muslim world.

Obama is America’s first African-American president, and he is also the first American president emotionally representative of Third World sentiments. For two decades without a whimper, Obama soaked in the racially toxic prejudices of his pastor Reverend Jeremiah Wright, and his treatment of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House recently barely masked his scorn for the Jewish state.

There is terrible irony in all of this since an overwhelming majority of American Jews voted for Obama. It could be said that this one-sided vote was indicative of how Jews remain open to embrace the other in their longing for peace.

Any distance

Israeli leaders since Yitzhak Rabin have shown their willingness to go any distance for securing peace with their neighbours without weakening their country’s security.

But the overwhelming majority of Arabs and Muslims are fanatically committed to the destruction of Israel as laid out in the charter of the Palestinian Hamas, or as publicly declaimed by the present day leaders of Iran.

Four millennia of Jewish history teach Israelis how to contend with their foes, and on this Passover how to bear with patience an American president with a wayward sense of morals and politics.

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Egypt President Mubarak is doing fine after surgery.

Images of Egypt's president have appeared for the first time since he underwent surgery in Germany over a week ago.

Hosni Mubarak, who has ruled the country for nearly three decades, was said to be recovering well following the operation on his gallbladder, which had sparked concerns over the state of his health.

Egyptian state television released the video on Tuesday of Mubarak, 81, talking to two doctors.

"He was upbeat and in very good spirits as usual," Dr Markus Buechler, head of his medical team, said.

"His resolve and willpower ... was very obvious this morning as he looked forward to going back to his normal life."

An Egyptian government spokesman said Mubarak would address the nation by the end of the week.

A statement by Egyptian authorities said he left intensive care at the Heidelberg hospital last Wednesday, and that tests showed he did not have cancer.

Speculation over health

The release of the video comes after a swirl of rumours and speculation over his health, after a marked lack of pictures following his surgery on March 6.

Amr El-Kahky, Al Jazeera's correspondent in Egypt, said news of Mubarak's improvement gave a boost to Cairo's main stock market index, which bounced back from a six per cent loss over the past two days.

Mubarak, who has never appointed a vice-president since he took over in 1981, handed powers temporarily to his prime minister, Ahmed Nazif, before the operation.

He has not said whether he will run again for a sixth six-year term in the 2011 presidential election.

Many Egyptians believe that if he does not, he will try to hand power to his politician son, Gamal, 46. Both Mubaraks deny any such plan.

In 2005, Mubarak allowed multi-candidate elections which he won overwhelmingly, but election observers said at the time there were irregularities in the polls.

In parliamentary elections the same year, police closed down polling stations and judges who oversaw the election said some results were rigged in favour of government candidates.

Opposition groups in the country command little power, but dissidents have been galvanised by a new reform group founded by Mohammed ElBaradei, the former head of the UN nuclear agency.

Last month, ElBaradei flew to Cairo to a rapturous welcome from supporters and formed the National Association for Change.

He has said he is prepared to run against Mubarak in the 2011 presidential election.




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US family seeks Israeli damages

US family seeks Israeli damages

The family of a US student activist killed by an Israeli army bulldozer in Gaza has launched a case against the Israeli government.

Rachel Corrie, whose family is seeking $324,000 in damages from the defence ministry, was one of several foreign activists killed in confrontations with Israel in occupied territory in the past decade.

She was nonviolently protesting against Palestinian home demolitions when the army bulldozer crushed her to death.

The proceedings on Wednesday in the Haifa district court in northern Israel, are likely to stoke controversy over Israel's treatment of pro-Palestinian protesters.

The Israeli army says Corrie, 23, a member of the pro-Palestinian International Solidarity Movement, was fatally hit by a concrete slab on March 16, 2003, as a bulldozer cleared a hideout for Palestinian fighters in the Gaza area.

The Israeli government failed to conduct a thorough investigation into Corrie's killing and her family, advised by the US state department, then filed a private lawsuit five years ago.

Witness accounts

Corrie's family, citing witness accounts, has charged the Israeli driver must have spotted her before moving the blade in her direction.

But Lieutenant-Colonel Avital Leibovich, an Israeli army spokeswoman, told the Reuters news agency in an interview that "the crew inside the bulldozer did not see her nor hear her".

She said tear gas and stun grenades had been fired to warn protesters to flee.

Cindy Corrie, the victim's mother, said in a statement: "As we approach the seven-year anniversary of Rachel's killing, my family and I are still searching for justice."

According to the family, the aim of the trial is not to get compensation but to find out the circumstances behind Rachel's death and hold the Israeli military responsible.

Four other activists who witnessed the incident in Gaza are to testify in the case.

Al Jazeera's Sherine Tadros, reporting from Haifa, said: "In a very interesting twist, just a few days ago, the state of Israel filed a motion that was accepted by the court, which means that they have 30 days after the end of this two-week period to submit witness testimonies and affadavits.

"Its a very unusual motion to have been granted. It means that the plaintiffs will be giving their testimonies without knowing what Israel has up its sleeves.

"The family lawyer said this is just a way to delay the whole procedure."

Israelis have shown little sympathy for Corrie, whose death occurred at the height of a Palestinian uprising in the Gaza Strip and occupied West Bank in which thousands of Palestinians and hundreds of Israelis were killed.

The case is expected to fuel anger in a nation facing accusations by a UN report that its army and Palestinian fighters committed war crimes during the 2008-9 Israel-Gaza conflict.

Steven Plaut, an Israeli from Haifa, charged in a column for the Jewish Press newspaper that Corrie's parents were a "two-person anti-Israel propaganda SWAT team" who supported Israel's enemies.

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